Showing posts with label Low-Income. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Low-Income. Show all posts

Friday, January 25, 2013

Low-income high performing students and elite schools



The New Yorker had a very interesting piece on why smart poor students don’t apply to selective colleges by Derek Thompson. Thompson beings his piece by discussing the student debt crisis, which results in “getting more students to take on more debt to obtain more skills in a modern economy that doesn’t pay living wages to uneducated workers.” Thompson argues that the real problem comes closer to advertising. He wants disadvantaged students to attend elite colleges to obtain modern skills and not scare them off. However, the more serious problem is that the smart, low-income students never consider applying to the best colleges.

Some of the poorest high school students in the US are the top performers. They come from the poorest 25% of families, but their grades and SAT scores place them in the top 10—or top 5%--of all students. Getting these students to attend the best colleges would increase social mobility, raise national productivity, increase taxable income, shrink out deficit, cut income-support payments, etc. (according to Thompson and presumably studies). However, according to Caroline M. Hoxby and Christopher Avery smart poor students don’t apply to any selective colleges or universities, even when the most selective schools would cost less because of financial aid. They are 75% less likely to apply to selective schools than their wealthier classmates.

Wealthy kids with educated parents tend to have higher grades and test scores, which is expected, but 40% of the top-performing students come from the poorer half of the country.  Wealthy smart students are from concentrated areas of the country like New England, California, New York, and Southern Florida, while the smart poor students tend to be scattered across the country. This I don’t find surprising at all. Nor is it surprising that poor smart students aren’t surrounded by an infrastructure of teachers and counselors who know how to advise them in accessing the best schools in the nation or higher education at all. More often than not they come from small and/or poor districts that can’t support selective public high schools and lack a large number of high achievers so they are less likely to come in contact with people who have attended a selective college.

Thompson then discusses the four ways that appear to be employed when engaging students:

  • College board mailing lists,
  • College counselors,
  • College access programs, and,
  • High school visits.

However, a lot of these aren’t really feasible for low-income students. Poor high schools can’t afford to have full time college counselors with access to top schools nor can poor families afford visits to top tier schools.

The researchers pose ambitious ideas to engage poor high performing students. Their first suggestion is turning to alum networks to provide more access on behalf of admissions officers. They also suggest using social media and digital advertising opposed to brochures which often aren’t geared to low-income students. Thompson concludes by charging both the institutions to look harder for the high performing low-income students who don’t go to college or apply to non-selective colleges.

Ok, so I haven’t read the study yet, but something is missing from Thompson’s piece. The assumption is that these low-income high performing students should want to attend elite schools. I’m not sure that is the case. Nor that they have investigated the reasoning behind these students not applying in the first place.

So we call them barriers in social science. Like domestic violence survivors can have trouble holding employment because the IPV gets in the way, i.e. court, violent partners showing up at work, etc. Being low-income can be a barrier to accessing high education. But not just because higher education is expensive, but instead that and because the student would be thrust into a culture they are unfamiliar with. I’m curious about the risks or perceived risks to the low-income high achievers by applying to and attending elite schools. My thoughts immediately go to fitting in, passing for upper-class/or constructing identity around poverty (token poor kid), the risk of failure being greater because the institutions are more prestigious and challenging than community college and burnout, which have greater consequences for poor kids than middle class and the wealthy. After all, poor kids are told early by society not to rock the boat and that you get one chance don’t blow it.

Clichés aside, the perspectives of poor students are rooted in a fear of failure that I don’t think wealthy students or even middle class students really understand, and certainly admissions professionals don’t. Now, we can debate whether these are concrete risks or not, but no one is going to apply to an ivy league school perceiving that if you mess up at all you’re going to burnout and never get a second chance because if you fail at the most prestigious school you should have just gone to the regular (cheaper) one in the first place, but no do-overs. A final thought on the barriers to applying to elite schools is the cost. I applied to three schools when I was in high school. The one I wanted, the one I was ok with, and a safety school. It was hella expensive, and I had a job. I think at the time applying range from like $50-100 per school on top of the exams like SAT and ACT (which I was told was less bias against women, people of color, and low-income students so I essentially was told I had to take both some schools won’t accept the ACT alone).

I’m arguing that maybe we focus on constructing a new narrative around poverty that poor kids aren’t worthless and/or destined for prison, single parenthood, and dead-end labor. That high performing in poverty doesn’t have to be an anomaly because poverty doesn’t make you stupid. Poverty is a harder player setting, and something we should be aware of, but it doesn’t have to define an individual’s life. This message never gets to kids growing up in poverty for a variety of reasons. So elite schools can send as many tweets as they want, because the message is going to get lost if the kids they are targeting still don’t perceive themselves as able.

Additionally, these elite schools have a legacy all their own, and it isn’t always a positive one. I’m curious as to whether the idea that low-income high performing students might not want to attend elite schools even crossed Thompson or the researchers’ minds. The expectation is everyone wants to go to Princeton and Brown but maybe not. Maybe being the one poor kids or the one black kid doesn’t seem like something these kids want to do. Poverty doesn’t happen in a vacuum; we know women, people of color, and the children of single parents are more likely to be impoverished. There are a lot of pressures when you decide to the token of whatever minority (referring to a lack of privilege) you are (including women) in an environment traditionally hostile to outsiders. Maybe elite schools that have a predominately persons of color population or all female schools would have a better chance of recruiting these low-income high performers?

Friday, November 2, 2012

Poor peole, the rise in costs, and the threats to cut funding



RH Reality Check was on a roll the past few weeks. Sheila Bapat took a look at an article posted on the Huffington Post, which reported that parents are afraid of losing their jobs if they need to care for their sick children. The story correctly poses the need for more paid sick days and points out that when a child is ill, his/her parents typically need to pull him/her out of care and stay home with the child. 

However, as Bapat points out the story assumes child care is accessible to begin with. However, recent trend indicate that child care is becoming more costly, anywhere from $4,000 to $15,000 annually which is an added burden to the low-income. Bapat invokes the 50% of all American jobs pay less than $34,000 per year or less, which is an accurate figure, but juxtaposes that figure with outrageous child care costs. 

Now, there are public resources to help parents pay for child care, but new research shows these resources are not as plentiful as they used to be. The state of Maryland has discussed pulling some back into the welfare realm to subsidize TANF and food stamps if the feds cut back or sequester. The National Women’s Law Center issued a report in October showing 27 states had at least on child care assistance policy decline in its ability to serve low-earning parents compared to the previous year.
The NWLC report studies a range of state policies that impact access to child care subsidies for low-income individuals. These include income eligibility limits to qualify for child care assistance, co-payments, reimbursement rates for child care providers, waiting lists, and eligibility for assistance for parents searching for a job. The NWLC found these policies are critical to families’ access to child care assistance. 

Most states fell behind in 2001. There was a little help in 2009-2010 with the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) funds were applied to child care assistance, but those funds are long gone now.

So why the fall now? Most likely the budget crises and that child care assistance come in the form of block grants: the Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG) and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). Block grants provide flexibility for states to use the funds as they see fit. This is opposed to categorical grants, which have more requirements and regulations.
This structure allows child care funding to give the states freedom to help the working poor, but changes in the child care assistance policies are reflections of states making tradeoffs due to budget troubles. According to the NWLC, TANF and CCDBG yield $8.170 billion in 2012, and when adjusted for inflation, this comes to a bit less than 2011’s child care assistance funding and $2.5 billion less than 2001, when adjusted for inflation. So some states have to cut costs by making some programs stricter and others looser. 

Trade offs. This is a particular concern for those working with the low-income and welfare recipients. Those of us with Irish Catholic Guilt look at it as robbing Peter to pay Paul, but people are going to be missed, and the money is going to get tighter. I can’t look at my Google alert on welfare right now without seeing a half dozen or so articles, blogs, and editorials about the increase in federal spending on “WELFARE,” which has anyone writing about the increase read the report it is based off of, the request for the report, or could do basic statistical analysis they would understand where the increase comes from. Also the potential for fudging the numbers given they are counting everything as welfare except Veteran Assistance program.   

Wednesday, August 22, 2012

Raise the minimum wage and help women, who knew, oh right everyone

Some House Democrats are seeking to increase the minimum wage to $9.80 per hour in order to assist in shrinking the ever-increasing gap between the wealthiest Americans and the working class. This would be an increase from the $7.25 per hour that people are getting now. Also, to catch-up with inflation, the amount should be $10.55 per hour.

The Economic Policy Institute released a new report finding that raising the minimum wage to $9.80 would have a significant impact on 28 million low-income workers, and it would really benefit women. The report shows that women make up 54.5 percent of workers who would be affected by the potential increase. The report asserts that this makes it a "women's issue", but come on, what isn't?



Naturally, the impact on women varies based on state, and shockingly women in Mississippi look to benefit the most. In Mississippi 64.4 percent of low-wage workers are women and would benefit. In California and Nevada 49.3 percent of low-wage workers are women standing to benefit. These two states are the only ones where women are not the majority benefiting from the potential increase.

Conservatives, continuing their stance that women aren't people, are opposed to raising the minimum wage using the same old arguments. Should we given them anything for consistency? The good old, raising the minimum wage will kill jobs and hurt small businesses. Of course these things called studies show that raising the minimum wage does not impede job growth because most of the countries minimum wage employees work for huge corporations. But studies sound like science, and we know conservatives only pull that out when they want to pretend they know how to talk about women.

The graphic from Think Progress.